Duwa Lashi La, Acting President, NUG, Myanmar.
Credit: Special Arrangment
Three years have passed since the ‘Tatmadaw’ – the Myanmar Army – headed by Gen Min Aung Hlaing staged a coup d'état on February 1, 2021, dethroning the elected government of the National League of Democracy (NLD) led by Aung San Suu Kyi, who was immediately arrested along with other leaders of her party and elected lawmakers.
The National Unity Government (NUG) – a parallel administration set up by the deposed lawmakers and activists seeking restoration of democracy – is now leading the ‘Spring Revolution’ to wrest power from the military junta and to establish a new federal democratic union of Myanmar.
The ethnic armed organisations are also closing ranks to fight against the Tatmadaw. New Delhi has been very cautious and avoided condemning the coup and the junta’s atrocities on the people of Myanmar. In an interview from somewhere in Myanmar, the NUG’s acting president Duwa Lashi La tells DH’s Anirban Bhaumik that the days of the military junta are now numbered. He says India should stop providing the junta with weapons, which are being used to commit crimes against humanity in Myanmar.
Excerpt:
Could you please give us a brief overview of the situation in Myanmar? How have the people of Myanmar resisted the junta in the last three years since the coup?
The people of Myanmar have never backed down and launched the Spring Revolution to resist the military junta. We are winning. The people continue to resist the illegal military junta through non-violent and armed strategies. The military junta is losing more and more territory. But, at the same time, it is still committing daily atrocities against civilians. The morale in the military is at a record low, with troops defecting, surrendering, and fleeing the country in droves. Meanwhile, the National Unity Government (NUG) and our ethnic allies are expanding and strengthening our administration to provide services to the public. For example: the NUG has established interim administration in over 170 townships. We must be clear that the illegal and illegitimate junta is the root cause of Myanmar’s political and humanitarian crises. The junta’s atrocities have resulted in the displacement of millions of people, and more are fleeing for their lives each day. Lives can be saved by providing more humanitarian support to refugees and across borders to displaced persons. These crises will end when the junta will cease to exist, when the military will be removed from politics.
Why did the NUG have to take the path of armed struggle against the military regime?
The people of Myanmar have suffered under decades of military misrule and abuse. During the 2010s, political parties agreed to work under the military’s own constitution to try to advance democratic reforms. The Ethnic Resistance Organizations (EROs) engaged in a lengthy ceasefire and peace process to attempt to resolve our long-running civil wars. On February 1, 2021, the military demonstrated that it had never been acting in good faith. Elections within the quasi-civilian system they devised were not acceptable, and the ceasefire agreements were never truly implemented by the military. The public responded to the coup with peaceful protests – tens of millions of people taking to the streets throughout the country – and with the Civil Disobedience Movement, refusing to work under a military-controlled administration. However, the junta resorted to violence, murdering peaceful protesters in cold blood. The People’s Defence Force (PDF) developed naturally as a means for the people to defend themselves from this aggression. Our National Unity Government declared defensive war on September 7, 2021, when it became clear that the military was only interested in killing civilians and that alternative strategies would not succeed in realizing people’s aspirations – for a federal democratic union, for the removal of the military from politics, for a new federal constitution, and for a sustainable end to the cycles of violence.
How do you see the future course of armed struggle against the military junta?
This is a difficult resistance, but we are winning and gaining more and more territories. The military will continue killing civilians, burning villages, bombing schools, and shelling medical facilities. But it is losing territory and troops in thousands. The junta’s days are numbered. It has not demonstrated any genuine interest a course correction. If it did, it would immediately cease killing civilians and blocking humanitarian assistance. The people of Myanmar, the NUG, the EROs, and other leading organizations are involved in ongoing talks about our political future. We have agreed on the Federal Democracy Charter. The NUG and the major EROs issued a common position statement on January 31 this year.
India is the world’s largest democracy. We recognize that in India and other democracies, the military is under the command of an elected civilian government. Myanmar requires a new, federal democratic constitution, where the military is under civilian control and no longer involved in politics.
Do you think the resistance against the repressive junta has somehow expedited the process and united the nation against the Tatmadaw? How did it happen? Do widespread protests against the military junta signal that democracy has started taking root in Myanmar?
We are in the midst of a process to forge a new Myanmar. The Spring Revolution calls for systemic and structural change, not only regime change. The society has been transforming along with our politics. This is very important. We are becoming more united, not just against a common enemy, but also in a vision towards a shared future, a just federal democratic union that guarantees equality, self-determination, and justice.
Not all the ethnic armed groups are fighting under the banner or command of the NUG or the PDF. Can you please tell us about the extent of coordination and synergy between the PDF and the Three Brotherhood Alliance?
Our resistance movement is diverse, and that is part of our strength. We are building our coordination and working towards common military and political goals. The NUG and ethnic allies are working closely on the ground and have established common command structures that lead the effective military operations and victories as you are witnessing. The Three Brotherhood is a trusted partner in revolution, and we greatly appreciate and value it.
Is federalism the way forward for Myanmar to strengthen its democracy and guarantee itself against future attempts to disrupt it?
Yes, I have often discussed our vision for the new Myanmar, which must be a federal democratic union. Our different ethnic communities have suffered for a long time, and the EROs are playing a decisive role in the resistance movement.
The Republic of India has restructured its federal system over time to resolve internal conflicts and address internal challenges. Myanmar has in the past failed to do this, but this is a historic opportunity for us now. We will win this time to eradicate brutal military dictatorship and establish a federal democratic union where the military will be a professional organization with no role in politics.
Do you think that the international community should more effectively intervene to restore democracy in Myanmar?
Yes, much more can and should be done. We need meaningful actions that support the will and interests of our people, not just words. It is time for the international community to act against the terrorist military junta and support the people of Myanmar. Governments must stop engaging with the illegal junta or selling it weapons, jet fuel, and dual-use materials. Our people need cross-border humanitarian assistance, delivered with the coordination of Civil Society Organizations, ethnic administrations, and the NUG. The rights of refugees must be protected as they flee for their lives from the tyrant military.
How do you see the role of the Arakan Army and the Rohingyas or the people of Rakhine State in the new Myanmar after the return of democracy? Will the new government, which the NUG wants to install after dislodging the military from power, ensure safety and security for the people of Rakhine, so that the Rohingya refugees can return from Bangladesh?
We have a constructive relationship with the United League for Arakan / Arakan Army. They are currently succeeding in pushing the illegal military junta from Rakhine State, and they also support operations in northern and other parts of Myanmar. In the future, transitional governments will be established at the union and state levels. We have agreed with ethnic allies that these will be led collectively by representatives of allied revolutionary groups and in accordance with the transitional constitution. The NUG has clearly stated its policy that the Rohingya are recognized as citizens of Myanmar, that the 1982 Citizenship Law is being replaced, and that there will be no discrimination between citizens. Repatriation must be voluntary, safe, dignified, and sustainable. We will engage and work with all stakeholders, neighbours, and the international community for that.
The military leadership has warned that the violent resistance by the armed groups might split the country into many parts. What is your opinion?
The military junta is attempting to distract from the current reality: Their actions have destroyed our country and created instability. They are committing mass atrocities each day. They are pushing waves of refugees across our borders. They are overseeing large-scale transnational criminal enterprises. They have ruined the economy. The sooner we can replace the junta, the faster the country can heal.
India has repeatedly called for the return of democracy and the release of political prisoners in Myanmar but refrained from condemning the military for dislodging the democratically elected government. India also continued its engagement with the military junta in Myanmar. India has called for a complete cessation of violence and a transition towards inclusive federal democracy in Myanmar. How do you view India’s reaction to the coup d'état in Myanmar?
I would like to thank India and the people of India, especially the ones in the border regions for their kind generosity in supporting the refugees from Myanmar. Although I appreciate those words of support for the return of democracy and the release of the political prisoners, actions speak louder. If India wants to put its words into practice and help its neighbour, we would urge it to stop providing any political legitimacy for the illegal junta through bilateral or multilateral engagements. India should end all sales of weapons and related materials to the junta. India is the third-largest military supplier to this junta, which is only using those weapons to commit war crimes and crimes against humanity. India and Myanmar also share many ethnic peoples in common, and we value those connections. India can do more to enable cross-border humanitarian assistance and protection for refugees.
India appears to be apprehensive that if it takes a tough stand against the coup d'état in Myanmar, its security concerns might be ignored, and China might gain an edge. There are also concerns about cross-border insurgencies, affecting the northeastern region of India. How do you view such concerns in New Delhi? Are these concerns genuine or misplaced?
As neighbours, our security interests are intertwined. In our joint position statement with the EROs released on January 31 this year, we stated, “Our commitment to peaceful coexistence with neighbours shall stand as a cornerstone for regional peace and stability.”
Unfortunately, the military junta in Myanmar supports a number of anti-India groups, which pose a direct threat to India’s security. It uses these groups to fight our PDF. The NUG will not allow any organization that poses a threat to the national security of neighbouring countries to operate from or in the territory of Myanmar. We also ask Myanmar refugees to respect the host country’s law. I would appeal to India to work with the NUG and our allies, which control much of the territory near India’s border with Myanmar, to build mutual trust and strengthen our shared security.
Do you think India or any other nation or the United Nations could also play a role in mediating between the NUG and the military to bring back peace and democracy in Myanmar?
We are engaging with the efforts of ASEAN and the UN to seek viable solutions for Myanmar. We also remain committed to engaging in close cooperation with China and other countries in the region, including to combat transnational crime. While some international actors may be capable of playing a role in supporting us to find a way toward peace and democracy, they cannot overcome the military’s current unwillingness to cease massacring civilians, to leave politics, to accept a federal democratic constitution, and to submit to transitional justice. Genuine political will is required for that to be possible.
A large number of people escaped violent conflict in Myanmar and took refuge in the northeastern region of India in the past few months. How do you view the approach and role of the people and the state government of Mizoram?
I would like to express my sincerest appreciation to the people and state government of Mizoram for their generosity and humanitarian support to the refugees from Myanmar. We will always remember this.
The Government of India recently decided to abolish the decades-old Free Movement Regime across the India-Myanmar border and also to fence the boundary between the two countries. The Kuki-Zo-Naga communities of Mizoram, Manipur, and Nagaland are protesting against it, stating that it would divide ethnic communities living on both sides of the border. How does the NUG view this initiative of the Government of India?
I regret that the Government of India has felt a need to take this action. It is yet another sad outcome of the military junta’s destruction. I am hopeful that when we will establish a stable and peaceful, federal democratic union, we can improve the situation for all people living on either side of our border. The people there have historically lived, travelled, and worked freely across the border. We aspire to return to that practice again.
Finally, how do you view the future of Myanmar? How hopeful are you about the early return of democracy in your country?
We know that we are winning. The junta is stretched to the breaking point. But its criminal leadership will not go quietly. With India’s help, Myanmar can more quickly become stable, democratic, and a better neighbour than ever before.