<p>Does it make sense to speak of freedom when technocratic capitalism colonises the lifeworld, and reduces us into non-reflexive consumers of ‘technical efficiency’, market-driven notion of ‘productivity’, and all sorts of media-simulated spectacles? Or, does freedom have any meaning when the discourse of militant nationalism compels us to be ‘loyal’, and restrains the creative flow of thinking and imagination? Is it that the idea of freedom has failed, and there is no escape from a world that normalises surveillance, promotes the militaristic dream of society, and cherishes the cult of narcissism and authoritarian personalities? </p>.<p class="CrossHead"><strong>Anti-thesis of bad faith</strong></p>.<p>Yet, despite this fear of the dystopian age, our striving for freedom refuses to wither away. The reason is that it is the spirit of freedom that makes us truly humane. Freedom is the courage to break the chains of delusions and domination; freedom is the ability to see beyond the crowd mentality, and think creatively, critically and independently; freedom is the ability to own one’s act, and remain responsible for it; freedom is the anti-thesis of what Sartre would have regarded as ‘bad faith’; freedom is the ability to care, love and listen; and freedom is not ahistorical; yet, it is a continual process of overcoming structural constraints. In fact, freedom is the finest art of relatedness. Without this ethically enriched freedom, there is no ethics of care, no creativity, and no democracy.</p>.<p>No wonder, a look at the politico-cultural and spiritual journey of humankind would indicate this noble striving for freedom. Yes, while Immanuel Kant urged us to gain the courage to free ourselves from our ‘self-incurred minority’, and acquire the ‘freedom to make public use of reason in all matters’ in his path-breaking essay What is Enlightenment, Gautam Buddha gave us yet another notion of Enlightenment — the meditative strength to overcome the attachment to whatever is temporal and transitory, and live with the lightness of being.</p>.<p>Karl Marx reminded us of the divisive/exploitative character of a class-divided society; he saw our alienation — the tales of our crippled/fragmented/non-creative existence in the age of capitalism; and he imagined communism as the highest stage of freedom — the transcendence of the hitherto existing conflicts, and eventual flowering of love and solidarity.</p>.<p>Gandhi sought to decolonise our minds, generate a sense of fearlessness with a creative art of resistance or satyagraha, and strive for real swaraj. And Dr B R Ambedkar pleaded forcefully for the spirit of ‘liberty, equality and fraternity’ to overcome the tyranny of patriarchal Brahminism, annihilate the ruthlessly hierarchical caste system, and thereby encouraged the oppressed to regain their lost voice and agency.</p>.<p class="CrossHead"><strong>Merely superficial?</strong></p>.<p>However, it is equally important to realise that the enemies of freedom are all around with what Michel Foucault would have regarded as diverse ‘technologies of discipline and surveillance’. </p>.<p>Think of, for instance, what critical theorists like Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse and Erich Fromm revealed — how the grand dream of Enlightenment or its gospel of freedom and rationality degenerated into a totalitarian social order in the form of fascism, Stalinist socialism and a new kind of social control through the glitz of seductive consumerism and culture industry.</p>.<p>And in our times, the assertion of neoliberal global capitalism, instrumental/technocratic rationality and consumerism has further devalued the true spirit of freedom. What exists is merely the superficial freedom — the freedom to buy and consume diverse ‘branded’ products, the freedom to ‘elect’ our masters, or the freedom to surf multiple television channels, and watch pornography, sports carnivals and soap operas.</p>.<p>The rise of narcissistic/authoritarian leaders in different parts of the world (Trump or Putin is the symptom of the age) indicates the danger to democracy and egalitarian socialism. Likewise, nihilistic terrorism or religious fundamentalism as some sort of ‘counter-revolution’ is yet another illustration of the negation of freedom.</p>.<p class="CrossHead"><strong>What's the India story?</strong></p>.<p>Amid this civilisational crisis, what does the curved trajectory of India’s postcolonial political history indicate?</p>.<p>Yes, we too experienced widespread violence: the trauma of partition, Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination, the growing disillusionment in the post Nehruvian era, the Naxalite upsurge, the horror of Emergency, the assertive identity politics, and the rise of Hindutva and the resultant communalisation of consciousness. And hence, at this juncture, you and I ought to probe into the nature of Indian democracy and the state of freedom. </p>.<p>Democracy is not just the ritualisation of periodic elections, nor is it the sanctification of majoritarianism. Instead, truly meaningful democracy requires the culture of debate and dialogue, the nuanced art of listening and conversations, and above all, the spirit of critical pedagogy that enables one to see beyond the ‘official truth’, question the status quo, and imagine alternatives. But then, we find ourselves amid a culture that is inherently anti-democratic. It transforms the supreme leader into a messiah. To question him is to insult the nation! Dissent is, therefore, stigmatised and criminalised.</p>.<p>The propaganda machinery with its noisy television anchors and troll army seeks to transform everything into its opposite — a rights activist into a terrorist, a young environmentalist into a conspirator, or the ‘dadis’ of Shaheen Bagh into extremists. With the cacophony of Jai Shri Ram, it cannot understand Gandhi’s cross-religious dialogues and prayers, Nehru’s scientific temper, Maulana Azad’s cultural syncretism, or Rabindranath Tagore’s poetic universalism. In a way, it abhors creative thinking and critical consciousness. Is it, therefore, surprising that here sedition charges are routinely filed against the dissenters, and surveillance is normalised? Amid the monologue of the messiah, where is your and my right to articulate our voices, raise our questions, and demand answers from the Establishment? </p>.<p>Yet, what is truly remarkable is that even amid this darkness, there are authentic practitioners of freedom amongst us (some of them have already been sent to the dark corners of over-crowded prisons) who refuse to be paralysed by the tyranny of power. They resist against whatever is brute, unjust and discriminatory, and convey a message to us: to live meaningfully is to experience what Tagore strove for: Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high… </p>.<p><em><span class="italic">The author is Professor of Sociology at JNU. He has written extensively on education, culture, politics and social theory. </span></em></p>.<p><em><span class="italic"><strong>Disclaimer:</strong> The views and opinions expressed in this essay are of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Deccan Herald or its affiliates. </span></em></p>
<p>Does it make sense to speak of freedom when technocratic capitalism colonises the lifeworld, and reduces us into non-reflexive consumers of ‘technical efficiency’, market-driven notion of ‘productivity’, and all sorts of media-simulated spectacles? Or, does freedom have any meaning when the discourse of militant nationalism compels us to be ‘loyal’, and restrains the creative flow of thinking and imagination? Is it that the idea of freedom has failed, and there is no escape from a world that normalises surveillance, promotes the militaristic dream of society, and cherishes the cult of narcissism and authoritarian personalities? </p>.<p class="CrossHead"><strong>Anti-thesis of bad faith</strong></p>.<p>Yet, despite this fear of the dystopian age, our striving for freedom refuses to wither away. The reason is that it is the spirit of freedom that makes us truly humane. Freedom is the courage to break the chains of delusions and domination; freedom is the ability to see beyond the crowd mentality, and think creatively, critically and independently; freedom is the ability to own one’s act, and remain responsible for it; freedom is the anti-thesis of what Sartre would have regarded as ‘bad faith’; freedom is the ability to care, love and listen; and freedom is not ahistorical; yet, it is a continual process of overcoming structural constraints. In fact, freedom is the finest art of relatedness. Without this ethically enriched freedom, there is no ethics of care, no creativity, and no democracy.</p>.<p>No wonder, a look at the politico-cultural and spiritual journey of humankind would indicate this noble striving for freedom. Yes, while Immanuel Kant urged us to gain the courage to free ourselves from our ‘self-incurred minority’, and acquire the ‘freedom to make public use of reason in all matters’ in his path-breaking essay What is Enlightenment, Gautam Buddha gave us yet another notion of Enlightenment — the meditative strength to overcome the attachment to whatever is temporal and transitory, and live with the lightness of being.</p>.<p>Karl Marx reminded us of the divisive/exploitative character of a class-divided society; he saw our alienation — the tales of our crippled/fragmented/non-creative existence in the age of capitalism; and he imagined communism as the highest stage of freedom — the transcendence of the hitherto existing conflicts, and eventual flowering of love and solidarity.</p>.<p>Gandhi sought to decolonise our minds, generate a sense of fearlessness with a creative art of resistance or satyagraha, and strive for real swaraj. And Dr B R Ambedkar pleaded forcefully for the spirit of ‘liberty, equality and fraternity’ to overcome the tyranny of patriarchal Brahminism, annihilate the ruthlessly hierarchical caste system, and thereby encouraged the oppressed to regain their lost voice and agency.</p>.<p class="CrossHead"><strong>Merely superficial?</strong></p>.<p>However, it is equally important to realise that the enemies of freedom are all around with what Michel Foucault would have regarded as diverse ‘technologies of discipline and surveillance’. </p>.<p>Think of, for instance, what critical theorists like Theodor Adorno, Herbert Marcuse and Erich Fromm revealed — how the grand dream of Enlightenment or its gospel of freedom and rationality degenerated into a totalitarian social order in the form of fascism, Stalinist socialism and a new kind of social control through the glitz of seductive consumerism and culture industry.</p>.<p>And in our times, the assertion of neoliberal global capitalism, instrumental/technocratic rationality and consumerism has further devalued the true spirit of freedom. What exists is merely the superficial freedom — the freedom to buy and consume diverse ‘branded’ products, the freedom to ‘elect’ our masters, or the freedom to surf multiple television channels, and watch pornography, sports carnivals and soap operas.</p>.<p>The rise of narcissistic/authoritarian leaders in different parts of the world (Trump or Putin is the symptom of the age) indicates the danger to democracy and egalitarian socialism. Likewise, nihilistic terrorism or religious fundamentalism as some sort of ‘counter-revolution’ is yet another illustration of the negation of freedom.</p>.<p class="CrossHead"><strong>What's the India story?</strong></p>.<p>Amid this civilisational crisis, what does the curved trajectory of India’s postcolonial political history indicate?</p>.<p>Yes, we too experienced widespread violence: the trauma of partition, Mahatma Gandhi’s assassination, the growing disillusionment in the post Nehruvian era, the Naxalite upsurge, the horror of Emergency, the assertive identity politics, and the rise of Hindutva and the resultant communalisation of consciousness. And hence, at this juncture, you and I ought to probe into the nature of Indian democracy and the state of freedom. </p>.<p>Democracy is not just the ritualisation of periodic elections, nor is it the sanctification of majoritarianism. Instead, truly meaningful democracy requires the culture of debate and dialogue, the nuanced art of listening and conversations, and above all, the spirit of critical pedagogy that enables one to see beyond the ‘official truth’, question the status quo, and imagine alternatives. But then, we find ourselves amid a culture that is inherently anti-democratic. It transforms the supreme leader into a messiah. To question him is to insult the nation! Dissent is, therefore, stigmatised and criminalised.</p>.<p>The propaganda machinery with its noisy television anchors and troll army seeks to transform everything into its opposite — a rights activist into a terrorist, a young environmentalist into a conspirator, or the ‘dadis’ of Shaheen Bagh into extremists. With the cacophony of Jai Shri Ram, it cannot understand Gandhi’s cross-religious dialogues and prayers, Nehru’s scientific temper, Maulana Azad’s cultural syncretism, or Rabindranath Tagore’s poetic universalism. In a way, it abhors creative thinking and critical consciousness. Is it, therefore, surprising that here sedition charges are routinely filed against the dissenters, and surveillance is normalised? Amid the monologue of the messiah, where is your and my right to articulate our voices, raise our questions, and demand answers from the Establishment? </p>.<p>Yet, what is truly remarkable is that even amid this darkness, there are authentic practitioners of freedom amongst us (some of them have already been sent to the dark corners of over-crowded prisons) who refuse to be paralysed by the tyranny of power. They resist against whatever is brute, unjust and discriminatory, and convey a message to us: to live meaningfully is to experience what Tagore strove for: Where the mind is without fear and the head is held high… </p>.<p><em><span class="italic">The author is Professor of Sociology at JNU. He has written extensively on education, culture, politics and social theory. </span></em></p>.<p><em><span class="italic"><strong>Disclaimer:</strong> The views and opinions expressed in this essay are of the author and do not necessarily reflect the official policy or position of Deccan Herald or its affiliates. </span></em></p>