For whom the bell for new 'North Bengal' state tolls

The simplest answer for the latest brouhaha is the powerplay between BJP and TMC. The former is encouraging it with a mischievous objective of creating trouble for the TMC government in West Bengal but Mamata Banerjee's role has been more instrumental in giving impetus to the demands for a separate state.

Geographical break-ups fuelled by political ambitions are not new to Bengal. Be it 1905 (orchestrated by Lord Curzon), 1947 (partition of Bengal into West Bengal and East Pakistan), or 1971 (liberation of East Pakistan as Bangladesh), the region has seen it all when it comes to partitioning land and people. After India's Independence, the residual state of West Bengal continued to witness agitations, both violent and non-violent, for further dividing the state. The latest among the lot is the clamour for creating a North Bengal state.

To understand this present demand in a historical perspective, it is essential that we examine some past details.

Diversity conundrum

Home to a varied mix of geographical features and cultures, the northern West Bengal consists of Malda, Uttar Dinajpur, Dakshin Dinajpur, Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Alipurduar and Cooch Behar districts. That people belonging to four distinct language families — Austric, Tibeto-Chinese, Dravidian and Indo-European — live here attests to the ethno-cultural diversity of the region. 

Notwithstanding the pros, the diversity has also fomented demands for separate political entities such as Gorkhaland, Kamtapur State, Greater Cooch Behar, etc. by various groups. However, each of these 'proposed states' presents a complicated picture within themselves. 

For instance, Darjeeling, the centre of Gorkhaland agitation, has a complex demography which is compounded by immigrants from Nepal and refugees from Tibet. 

On the eastern corner of the Gorkhaland lies Cooch Behar, which has historical links with the Pragjyotishpur and Kamrup kingdoms. At the time of India's Independence, Cooch Behar was the biggest princely state in the whole of eastern India, until it was merged with West Bengal as a district in 1949.

In 1998, the Greater Cooch Behar People's Association (GCPA) started a movement to protest the Accession of Cooch Behar with the Indian Union and its merger with West Bengal. The GCPA often resorted to violence.

Some prominent members of the outfit, especially Banshi Badan Roy, were arrested for triggering unrest, but other members like Nagendra Nath Roy aka Ananta Maharaj managed to escape. In the subsequent years, Ananta Maharaj grew his influence among the Rajbanshis (A prominent Scheduled Caste community in the state which supports the cause of Greater Cooch Behar). Later, he was nominated to the Rajya Sabha by the BJP. Meanwhile, Banshi Badan Roy, after his release from jail, joined hands with the Trinamool Congress of Mamata Banerjee.

Another outfit that sought a partition from West Bengal was the Kamtapur People's Party (KPP), which in 1995 came out with the demand for a separate Kamtapur State along with the recognition of Kamtapuri language. KPP's extremist wing, the Kamtapur Liberation Organisation (KLO), resorted to subversive activities on several occasions and was banned. Later, the main leader of KPP, Atul Roy, joined the TMC with his followers. With the death of Atul Roy in June 2021, KPP is almost non-functional now.

Among the above-mentioned movements, only the Gorkhaland agitations by the Gorkha National Liberation Front managed to have any impact.

Having varied demands and aspirations, each of these movements in the northern West Bengal makes it difficult for other outfits to realise their demands. The clamour for a new North Bengal state seems to be heading towards the same fate.

It is also a simple logic that people in the outlier districts such as Malda, Uttar Dinajpur and Dakshin Dinajpur won't accept their inclusion in Gorkhaland or Kamtapur or Greater Cooch Behar, or even a new North Bengal state. And much to the chagrin of those who tie their statehood demands with 'royal lineages', the people of these three districts have a glorious past associated with the erstwhile kingdoms of Barendrabhumi, Bangarh and Gaur. 

BJP, TMC powerplay

After examining the history of statehood demands in the Chicken's Neck area, a strategically important landscape for the country, it is time to wonder why we keep on hearing such demands time and again.  

The simplest answer for the latest brouhaha is the powerplay between BJP and TMC. The former is encouraging it with a mischievous objective of creating trouble for the TMC government in West Bengal. 

Minister of State Sukanta Majumdar and Jalpaiguri MP Jayanta Kumar Roy, both from BJP, have even proposed tagging of 'North Bengal' districts with the North Eastern Council (NEC).

Yet another proposal has been made by Nishikanta Dubey, a BJP from neighbouring Bihar, to create a Union Territory comprising two districts of northern West Bengal and four districts of Bihar with a view to checking Muslim population, just to vindicate the BJP's rhetoric 'Hindu khatre me hai’. He should have known that checking and controlling infiltration is the job of the Union government.

These demands may sound ridiculous but the intention is to create division among the people.

On the other hand, the ruling TMC has also played its part in this game. In fact, Mamata Banerjee's role has been more instrumental in giving impetus to the demands for a separate state. While the BJP-RSS provided verbal instigation, it was Banerjee who converted it into action. For instance, she replaced the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council with Gorkhaland Territorial Administration Sabha, including 18 mouzas of Siliguri sub-division.

In the case of the Kamtapur movement, Banerjee graced a meeting of the Kamtapur People’s Party as recently as 2017 and created the Kamtapuri Bhasa Academy in support of a virtually non-existent language. Kamtapuri was also made an official language violating various provisions of the Constitution. Banerjee thus extended enormous support to the organisation which has been demanding separate state. She did this, even at the risk of igniting the flame for division of Bengal, apparently to create division amongst the Rajbanshis, who constitute a big chunk of voters in the northern West Bengal. 

As stated earlier, Banerjee joined hands with Banshi Badan and tried to woo Ananta Maharaj, the Greater Cooch Behar leader, and surprisingly, both of them are still demanding a separate Cooch Behar state or a Union Territory. Despite all this, the average Bangali appears to bother little about such moves.

Now, with the BJP raising the North Bengal demand, the TMC is determined to show its mettle both in and outside the assembly against the splinter voices for the division of Bengal. The matter is left to the Bangalis to judge in its proper perspective. Should they raise their voice or simply enjoy the fun? We will have to wait and see.

(The author is a retired IAS officer and former MLA in the West Bengal Assembly)