Are Dalits homogenous or heterogenous?

The Scheduled Castes (previously derogated as ‘Untouchables’) or Dalits are under scrutiny on whether they are a homogenous group or not in the context of a Constitution Bench hearing on the sub-categorisation of Dalits. In contrast to the arguments of Scheduled Castes as a diversified and heterogenous community, the history of census reports from 1911 onwards tells us a different story of the aggregation of ‘untouchable castes’ as a homogenous category as they exist today.

The 1911 census operations under the British was the first attempt to try and understand the factor of untouchability to enumerate a separate category of castes. It used 10 tests to delineate those castes who caused “pollution”. As per the census report, the Provincial Superintendents were asked to enumerate the castes and tribes returned or classed as Hindus, but who do not conform to certain standards or are subject to certain disabilities. 

The 10 tests based on which the classification of ‘untouchables’ was made are as follows: (1) deny the supremacy of the Brahmans; (2) do not receive the mantra from a Brahman or other recognised Hindu guru; (3) deny the authority of the Vedas; (4) do not worship the great Hindu Gods; (5) are not served by good Brahmans as family priests; (6) have no Brahman priests at all; (7) are denied access to the interior of ordinary Hindu temples; (8) cause pollution (a) by touch; (b) within a certain distance; (9) bury their dead; and (10) eat beef and do not revere the cow.

The census report of 1911 provided varied reports, such as in the case of Punjab, that a quarter of Hindu population of Chamars and Churas (both ‘untouchable’ castes) do not enjoy the services of Brahmans and are not allowed into the temples. “In the south of India, the supremacy of the Brahmans is denied by the Lingayats, an important sectarian group, and also by certain artisan castes who themselves claim to be Brahmans.” 

The exercise continued 10 years later in the 1921 census, and the identification was more refined while attempting to enumerate those castes and tribes who fell under untouchability. The census report of 1921 estimated the number of ‘untouchables’ at between 55 and 60 million. This gave ammunition for leaders like B R Ambedkar to seek political reservations as per population strength during the British regime.

The final and conclusive enumeration of ‘untouchables’ was made in the 1931 census. The Census Commissioner imposed nine fresh tests, given the difficulty in arriving at enumeration of ‘Depressed classes’ (‘untouchables’). The nine tests are more elaborate, and the questions asked to enumerate untouchables were:

(1) Whether the caste or class in question can be served by clean Brahmans or not. (2) Whether the caste or class in question can be served by the barbers, water-carriers, tailors etc., who serve the caste Hindus. (3) Whether the caste in question ‘pollutes’ a high-caste Hindu by contact or by proximity. (4) Whether the caste or class in question is one from whose hands a caste Hindu can take water. (5) Whether the caste or class in question is debarred from using public conveniences, such as, roads, ferries, wells or schools. (6) Whether the caste or class in question is debarred from the use of Hindu temples. (7) Whether in ordinary social intercourse, a well-educated member of the caste or class in question will be treated as an equal by high-caste men of the same educational qualifications. (8) Whether the caste or class in question is merely depressed on account of its own ignorance, illiteracy, or poverty, and but for that would be subject to no social disability. (9) Whether it is depressed on account of the occupation followed and whether but for that occupation, it would be subject to no social disability. 

These tests clearly showed that all the social disabilities imposed are due to the concept of ‘pollution’ and the practice of untouchability. The tests also showed that the practice of untouchability is continuous and education status is inconsequential. Even if a Dalit migrates to a ‘non-polluting’ occupation and even if there is upward mobility, the practice of untouchability will continue.

Finally, based on the 1931 census, 429 ‘untouchable’ castes were enumerated and listed in a Schedule in the ‘Government of India (Scheduled Castes Order), 1936’ issued on April 30, 1936. This list created a uniform grouping of castes called Scheduled Castes, in the vast Indian population, against whom untouchability was practiced by the Hindus.

Ambedkar, in his 1948 book, The Untouchables: who were they and why they became untouchables? set aside the idea that ‘untouchables’ were of a different race, and proved through anthropometric analysis that they are of the same racial stock as the rest of the Hindu population in general. They were kept at a distance from Hindu society for various reasons and were treated as ‘untouchables’. Ambedkar further analysed that those that are beef-eating communities, followers of Buddhism (after the demise of Buddhism in India), or work in menial occupations were also treated as ‘untouchables’ by Hindus. 

The lists of castes, races or tribes that were deemed to be ‘untouchables’ were placed in the Schedule of the Government of India (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1936, and are therefore called Scheduled Castes since then. Ambedkar refers to the listed castes as those “communities which are regarded as hereditary ‘untouchables’ by the Hindus.” Ambedkar reiterates that untouchability was conferred upon birth, irrespective of the occupational status of the individual who is born into an ‘untouchable’ caste. After Independence, the entire list of 429 castes mentioned in the 1936 Schedule was re-issued in ‘The Constitution (Scheduled Castes) Order, 1950’, which was notified on 10 August 1950.

The constitutional and legal existence of Scheduled Castes originated from the grouping of castes based on the practice of untouchability and, more recently, practices of atrocities against them as listed in ‘The Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989.’ For those who practice discrimination, all Scheduled Castes are homogenous, irrespective of whatever views the members of those castes may themselves carry about their heterogeneity.

(The writer is an Assistant Professor at the University of Allahabad)