<p>West Bengal has the unenviable title of politically the most violent state since the 1990s. Beyond doubt, violence is ingrained in the political culture of the state, affecting the lives of a large section of the population and benefitting the ruling parties and their local workers.</p>.<p>But it appears that the days of criminalisation of politics — the use of criminals, giving scope to some rogues to become politicians, and use of violence and intimidation by politicians to smother the opposition — is over. Bengal has now reached a new, dangerous stage of over-criminalisation of politics. The targets are not only the opposition but also rival groups within the ruling party and even their innocent family members.</p>.<p>Bengal has reached this stage because in the state, at lower echelons, some of the ruling party workers now double as protectors of local coal, sand and other such mafias on rent. Some of the money they thus earn goes upward, and the rest is divided among the lower-level party workers and the local police.</p>.<p>But this process is bound to make some more prosperous and influential than others. Over time, it creates rivalries and stokes bitterness among the module members that earlier enjoyed coherence. Then comes a day when rivalries take their toll in violence and killings</p>.<p>This is what the Bogtui village of Rampurhaat bloc of Birbhum district witnessed last Monday.</p>.<p>That day, Bhadu Sheikh, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) deputy chief of the local panchayat, was killed. Hours later, at least eight people, including women and two children, were burnt alive. Even by Bengal's standards of political violence, such a vile attack on co-workers' family members belongs to the category of the rarest of the rare. It betrays how deeply vested interests have taken root to provoke so much hatred amongst co-workers.</p>.<p>But, first of all, the big question. Why was Bhadu Sheikh killed? His father has said that his son was killed over a dispute for 'bakhra' (share of the spoils). Some villagers, too, have told news television that the fight was over the rent earned from the various mafias.</p>.<p>The finger of suspicion raised by locals on the retaliatory attack pointed to Anarul Hussain, the bloc president of the TMC. But strangely, the locals have also pointed out that Bhadu Sheikh and Anarul had recently fallen out. That complicates the matter further and raises the question of whether the retaliatory killing was a well-planned camouflage to protect the real brains behind the killing of Bhadu Sheikh.</p>.<p>Intriguingly, the police went after Anarul only after Bengal Chief Minister, the TMC chief, Mamata Banerjee, instructed them to do so during her visit to the village. That was more than forty hours after the brutal incident. And then, he was arrested within two and a half hours. This has raised questions about the role of the police. Meanwhile, an officer of the local police station and the SDPO of the block have been suspended.</p>.<p>While the police often act as the stooge of the ruling party everywhere in India, exposing the vulnerability of the law and order maintenance system in democratic India, it may turn into active accomplices of the criminals when a large number of political workers cum criminals rule the roost.</p>.<p>Incidentally, Anubrata Mandal, the district TMC president, initially discarded the arson due to a short circuit. How and why a leader of the stature of a district president of the ruling party would make such efforts to derail the investigation is also a very crucial question.</p>.<p>Meanwhile, Soumitra Khan of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has alleged that Mandal himself was involved in this case. Mohammed Salim and Adhir Chowdhury, the top state leaders of the CPI(M) and the Congress, have also spoken about the extortion rackets and blamed Mandal.</p>.<p>The recent violence in Bengal — the killing of activist Anis Khan, killings and attacks on councillors, and finally the brutal attack on the innocents in Bogtui — are all signs of over-criminalisation taking its toll in the state. All opposition parties have claimed that 26 people have been killed for political reasons within a week (March 16 to 22). Adhir Chowdhury has demanded the invoking of Article 355 that empowers the Centre to take over the law and administration of a state.</p>.<p>We had a peek into the ground reality of political violence after the Assembly polls concluded in Bengal last May when scores of BJP workers were attacked and some killed. The state took no real action. Finally, the Calcutta High Court ordered a CBI inquiry in the matter. The order expressed a loss of faith in the state's law and order administration.</p>.<p>After Bogtui, Mamata Banerjee has warned the police force to act appropriately or quit the force. But the warning has come too late. The demon is already unleashed. How the situation unfolds over the next few months will be crucial for Bengal and its polity.</p>.<p><em>(The writer is a journalist and author based in Kolkata)</em></p>.<p><em>Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.</em></p>
<p>West Bengal has the unenviable title of politically the most violent state since the 1990s. Beyond doubt, violence is ingrained in the political culture of the state, affecting the lives of a large section of the population and benefitting the ruling parties and their local workers.</p>.<p>But it appears that the days of criminalisation of politics — the use of criminals, giving scope to some rogues to become politicians, and use of violence and intimidation by politicians to smother the opposition — is over. Bengal has now reached a new, dangerous stage of over-criminalisation of politics. The targets are not only the opposition but also rival groups within the ruling party and even their innocent family members.</p>.<p>Bengal has reached this stage because in the state, at lower echelons, some of the ruling party workers now double as protectors of local coal, sand and other such mafias on rent. Some of the money they thus earn goes upward, and the rest is divided among the lower-level party workers and the local police.</p>.<p>But this process is bound to make some more prosperous and influential than others. Over time, it creates rivalries and stokes bitterness among the module members that earlier enjoyed coherence. Then comes a day when rivalries take their toll in violence and killings</p>.<p>This is what the Bogtui village of Rampurhaat bloc of Birbhum district witnessed last Monday.</p>.<p>That day, Bhadu Sheikh, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) deputy chief of the local panchayat, was killed. Hours later, at least eight people, including women and two children, were burnt alive. Even by Bengal's standards of political violence, such a vile attack on co-workers' family members belongs to the category of the rarest of the rare. It betrays how deeply vested interests have taken root to provoke so much hatred amongst co-workers.</p>.<p>But, first of all, the big question. Why was Bhadu Sheikh killed? His father has said that his son was killed over a dispute for 'bakhra' (share of the spoils). Some villagers, too, have told news television that the fight was over the rent earned from the various mafias.</p>.<p>The finger of suspicion raised by locals on the retaliatory attack pointed to Anarul Hussain, the bloc president of the TMC. But strangely, the locals have also pointed out that Bhadu Sheikh and Anarul had recently fallen out. That complicates the matter further and raises the question of whether the retaliatory killing was a well-planned camouflage to protect the real brains behind the killing of Bhadu Sheikh.</p>.<p>Intriguingly, the police went after Anarul only after Bengal Chief Minister, the TMC chief, Mamata Banerjee, instructed them to do so during her visit to the village. That was more than forty hours after the brutal incident. And then, he was arrested within two and a half hours. This has raised questions about the role of the police. Meanwhile, an officer of the local police station and the SDPO of the block have been suspended.</p>.<p>While the police often act as the stooge of the ruling party everywhere in India, exposing the vulnerability of the law and order maintenance system in democratic India, it may turn into active accomplices of the criminals when a large number of political workers cum criminals rule the roost.</p>.<p>Incidentally, Anubrata Mandal, the district TMC president, initially discarded the arson due to a short circuit. How and why a leader of the stature of a district president of the ruling party would make such efforts to derail the investigation is also a very crucial question.</p>.<p>Meanwhile, Soumitra Khan of the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) has alleged that Mandal himself was involved in this case. Mohammed Salim and Adhir Chowdhury, the top state leaders of the CPI(M) and the Congress, have also spoken about the extortion rackets and blamed Mandal.</p>.<p>The recent violence in Bengal — the killing of activist Anis Khan, killings and attacks on councillors, and finally the brutal attack on the innocents in Bogtui — are all signs of over-criminalisation taking its toll in the state. All opposition parties have claimed that 26 people have been killed for political reasons within a week (March 16 to 22). Adhir Chowdhury has demanded the invoking of Article 355 that empowers the Centre to take over the law and administration of a state.</p>.<p>We had a peek into the ground reality of political violence after the Assembly polls concluded in Bengal last May when scores of BJP workers were attacked and some killed. The state took no real action. Finally, the Calcutta High Court ordered a CBI inquiry in the matter. The order expressed a loss of faith in the state's law and order administration.</p>.<p>After Bogtui, Mamata Banerjee has warned the police force to act appropriately or quit the force. But the warning has come too late. The demon is already unleashed. How the situation unfolds over the next few months will be crucial for Bengal and its polity.</p>.<p><em>(The writer is a journalist and author based in Kolkata)</em></p>.<p><em>Disclaimer: The views expressed above are the author's own. They do not necessarily reflect the views of DH.</em></p>