Education, jobs: What do the manifestos say?

The pledges made by political parties lack the robustness needed to harness India’s demographic dividend

Nearly two-thirds of India’s population is aged 34 or younger. People aged 0–14 years account for 30.76% of the population, whereas another 34.85% are in the age group of 15–35 years. This youth bulge will pass through the body of the population in succeeding bulges, culminating in a situation when most individuals will be old and outside the purview of the workforce. 

India has had the opportunity to reap the demographic dividend for some time, which may cease to exist in about three decades. This is the time for the nation to prioritise human resource development—health, education, employment, and income. Four phases of polling are over, and the fifth is slated for May 20. The high-octane road shows, rallies, slogans, and speeches by the star campaigners of the NDA have
so far been silent on issues that endear the youth and are so critical for the
nation’s health.

Political rallies rarely capture the real intentions and policies of political parties. They, instead, rely on emotive issues on the assumption that people are too naive to see through the camouflaging of half-truths, falsehoods, and fakes. A vibrant democracy, on the other hand, requires the electorate to peruse and pay due attention to the finer points of political parties’ manifestos. 

Regarding education, the BJP’s ‘Sankalp Patra: Modi ki Guarantee’ builds on the National Education Policy (NEP 2020) to promise to expand, revamp, and centralise the education system, besides promoting the mother tongue as a medium of instruction. Claiming to have expanded the numbers of IIMs, IITs, AIIMS, medical colleges, and universities during the past 10 years, it promises to upgrade existing institutes through focused funding, capacity building, infrastructure upgradation, and research grants. It intends to expand and improve the quality of school education further through initiatives such as PM Shri and Eklavya schools. Lastly, it pledges to use technology to enhance the education system through initiatives such as the Automated Permanent Academic Account Registry (APAAR). 

The I.N.D.I.A bloc is opposed to the NEP 2020. The Congress Party has vowed to revisit the policy for necessary modifications in consultation with the states. Its alliance partners have, in fact, advocated for its total replacement. I.N.D.I.A, by prescribing specific measures to improve the quality of school education, one-ups it by pledging a dedicated teacher to every class and subject, each class to have its own classroom, discouraging the use of teachers for non-teaching activities, banning the appointment of contractual teachers against regular vacancies, and expanding the budget to mitigate problems in foundational learning and ensuring better learning outcomes over the next five years. The myriad of challenges plaguing the Indian education system can be attributed to the lack of sufficient funding. This issue is explicitly addressed by at least two political parties forming part of the I.N.D.I.A bloc.

The CPI (M) pledges to increase the budgetary allocation to at least 6% of the GDP, whereas the CPI goes a step further by promising to allocate a minimum of 10% of GDP to education. Strangely, the Congress Party, which leads the I.N.D.I.A bloc, has refrained from putting a finger on a number.

The BJP’s Sankalp Patra promises to use technology to penetrate the remotest parts of the country to provide quality education. Yet, it does not effectively address the issue of the digital divide. The Congress’s Nyay Patra seeks to provide students in classes IX–XII with free mobile phones and internet connectivity at school and college campuses to ensure equitable access to learning. The I.N.D.I.A bloc also pledges to stop the practice of special fees charged by public institutions and promises to encourage state governments to regulate the fees of private schools to ensure greater equity and affordability.

The I.N.D.I.A bloc vows to revisit the Right to Education (RTE) Act 2009 to extend its coverage to provide free and compulsory education up to the senior secondary levels. Further, to reduce dropout rates, it promises to restore and increase pre-matriculation and higher education scholarships for disadvantaged groups, including the SCs, STs, OBCs, Economically Weaker Sections, denotified tribes, and minorities. 

The BJP’s Sankalp Patra envisions a Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) of 100% from pre-school to secondary level but provides little clue on how it will achieve this. It also overlooks the issue of caste-based discrimination in premier educational institutions, which could range from subtle acts of bias to harassment, causing distress among students belonging to marginalised sections.

I.N.D.I.A undertakes to enact a law called the Rohit Vemula Act to stop discrimination against marginalised sections in educational institutions. The NDA assumes that Sabka Saath and Sabka Vikas will address the issues. It would have been reassuring had they mentioned specific and concrete steps to ensure inclusivity.

I.N.D.I.A also pledges higher autonomy to higher education institutions and seeks to keep a check on EdTech companies and coaching centres. It promises to restore the Maulana Azad Scholarship for minority students to pursue PhDs and establish a community college in every tehsil. It also promises collateral-free loans up to Rs 7.5 lakh to the disadvantaged cohorts for education and a one-time waiver of educational loans and unpaid interest as of March 15, 2024. 

In terms of employment, income, and job creation, the BJP’s manifesto relies largely on entrepreneurship to generate jobs and income. The Production-Linked Incentive (PIL) Scheme and the Make in India Programme are at the forefront of its job creation agenda. It vows to double the Mudra loan limit for those who previously availed of and repaid their loan under the TARUN category. Besides, it assumes that tourism and infrastructure would bolster employment and income opportunities. The BJP’s manifesto is silent on expanding the manufacturing sector. 

In contrast, the Congress manifesto resolves to enhance the manufacturing sector by increasing its share from 14% to 20% of the GDP in the next five years. It also promises to bring in a Right to Apprenticeship Act to provide one lakh paid apprenticeships to diploma holders or graduates below 25 years of age to inculcate skills and enhance employability. Proposing to expand the primary care provider network, it promises to double the number of Anganwadi workers and appoint an additional Asha worker for villages with more than 2,500 people. 

Few things are as intertwined as education, employment, and politics. Political decisions and ideologies shape the educational and employment landscape, while education and employment influence political perspectives and civic engagement. Citizens and policymakers must engage critically with these issues to ensure the advancement of educational opportunities, employment prospects, and democratic values.

(Furqan Qamar is a professor of management, and Sameer Ahmad Khan is a research scholar in the Dept. of Management Studies, Jamia Millia
Islamia, New Delhi)