<p>The princely state of Jammu & Kashmir was among the largest (bigger than Great Britain) and among the five with a ‘21 gun-salute’ status of the 562 princely states that formed India.</p>.<p>It acceded belatedly on October 26, 1947, as a function of its unique circumstances of ruler-subject composition, geography and politics of birth that scarred the narrative for posterity. Pakistan was only one of the spoilers. Competing and reckless ambitions between Delhi and the newly minted local politicians deepened the wounds and founded the ‘divide’ that persists.</p>.<p>Contiguity with a neighbour hell-bent on fomenting trouble, i.e., Pakistan, as well as a series of missteps by Delhi ensured that J&K remained on tenterhooks since accession.</p>.<p>The Russian roulette of change of guard via intrigues and manipulations institutionalised a culture of political distrust of Delhi in J&K, whereas collateral diminishment of the Jammu region bore its own polarising outcome of ‘Jammu versus Valley’.</p>.<p>Things took a turn for the worse in the 1980s as the irresistible instinct to ‘manage’ affairs of J&K led to widespread accusations of rigged elections. The timing of this coincided with the mujahideen culture thriving in Pakistan, which was initially focused on Afghanistan but got directed towards Kashmir.</p>.<p>Soon, societal unrest got weaponised and the successful blackmail via the Rubaiya Sayeed incident gave a fillip to the possibilities with the gun. Kashmiri Pandit exodus followed and a full-blown armed secessionism ensued. A coincidental flare-up of global pan-Islamism further metastasised the historically syncretic Islam in Kashmir into alien strains of puritanism.</p>.<p>A potent combination of continued bloodshed, disruption of democratic processes (President/Governor’s Rule was invoked nine times) and generous stoking of tensions by Pakistan through its proxies drove levels of local disaffection that were unprecedented, even for J&K.</p>.<p>Even the tenor of Delhi changed from the times of a Vajpayee insisting, and positively impacting, local sentiment with ‘Insaniyat, Jamhooriyat, Kashmiriyat’ (Humanity, Democracy to Kashmiri Ways) to a decidedly more strident period post 2014. Temporary outreach with an unlikely BJP-PDP experiment soon regressed and the reduction of J&K to a Union Territory and the abrogation of Article 370 led to starkly contrasting perceptions.</p>.<p>Kashmir Valley saw it as a further affront, while the rest of the country celebrated the same in line with the politically and societally polarised times. Many went on to prematurely project the dangerous silences from the Valley as a sign of normalcy. Only it wasn’t.</p>.<p>With no recourse to express unhappiness, given the almost six-year-long suspension of democratic rights, Kashmir Valley was literally on ‘shut-down’ mode, emotionally.</p>.<p>The lull was occasionally disrupted with deadly terror attacks, a grim reminder that the neighbours were still active and perhaps some locals still made cause with them.</p>.<p>The nation in parallel had been in the throes of ‘othering’ and, therefore, portents of ‘muscularity’ in handling the J&K affairs were readily lapped up, whereas any suggestion towards inclusivity, cooption and outreach were instinctively frowned upon as enfeebling ways of the past.</p>.<p>Regrettably, lessons from successful ending of insurgencies in other states like Mizoram and Punjab (with religious minorities) – where a genuine outreach, redressal of legitimate socio-economic grievances and reintroduction of political processes had been successfully deployed - were forgotten. That ending insurgencies entails psychological inclusion as much as security imperatives were ignored for too long.</p>.<p>A timely reminder from the Supreme Court nudged the government to conduct the much-delayed elections, albeit, under the ambit of a UT with an extra-empowered Lt Governor.</p>.<p>Beyond the publicly postured stands of ‘normalcy’ and ‘development’ as claimed by the ruling dispensation, it knew better than putting any candidates in the three seats of the 18th Lok Sabha elections, even as it made a pitch for Abki Baar 400 paar (This time, <br>over 400).</p>.<p>That unstated realisation was to come true later when it did put candidates in the Kashmir Valley during the subsequent J&K Assembly elections but didn’t win a single seat out of 47 in the fray, while picking up 29 out of 43 in Jammu division. The electorate reconfirmed the reality of complete polarisation and disillusionment.</p>.<p>Nonetheless, now there is an elected J&K government that reflects the will of the locals and that itself is a step in the right direction. Thankfully, both ‘sides’, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah and LG Manoj Sinha, displayed maturity in heeding to good sense.</p>.<p>The LG showed sagacity in promptly approving the resolution to restore full statehood and the new CM (from the only Muslim majority UT/State) did well to appoint a deputy chief minister from the ‘minority’ Hindu denomination from the Jammu region.</p>.<p>The bitterness, pettiness and histrionics, a la Delhi LG-CM spats were avoided, at least for now. Such thawing, restorative and inclusive optics augur well beyond the divisive partisanship that consumes passions in the rest of the country.</p>.<p>Tragically, within days of assuming office, terrorism reared its ugly head in the form of a deadly attack that killed six migrant workers and a doctor, in a moment that reiterated the inevitable challenges that loom.</p>.<p>Many jumped prematurely to point fingers of complicity at the CM, even though he slammed it strongly and fully supported the security reactions. While certain politics is inevitable, to ascribe motives of ‘anti-national’ on the new dispensation can be seriously counterproductive.</p>.<p>Such lazy attributions could jeopardise the delicately placed opportunity to truly win over local emotions and trust, which can conclusively end insurgencies like it did in Mizoram and Punjab.</p>.<p>Locals must be truly encouraged to repose faith in the ‘idea of India’, which is the only way to delegitimise extremist means. The onset of winter will temporarily close mountain passes and make cross-border movements difficult. It wouldn’t be easy and terror will not go away suddenly. Therefore, the government must always be held to account for its policies, actions and preparedness (as everywhere else).</p>.<p>But J&K needs a desperate reset, and the success (beyond partisan concerns) of the new J&K Assembly may just be that key.</p>.<p><em>(The writer is a former Lt Governor of Andaman & Nicobar Islands and <br>Puducherry)</em></p>
<p>The princely state of Jammu & Kashmir was among the largest (bigger than Great Britain) and among the five with a ‘21 gun-salute’ status of the 562 princely states that formed India.</p>.<p>It acceded belatedly on October 26, 1947, as a function of its unique circumstances of ruler-subject composition, geography and politics of birth that scarred the narrative for posterity. Pakistan was only one of the spoilers. Competing and reckless ambitions between Delhi and the newly minted local politicians deepened the wounds and founded the ‘divide’ that persists.</p>.<p>Contiguity with a neighbour hell-bent on fomenting trouble, i.e., Pakistan, as well as a series of missteps by Delhi ensured that J&K remained on tenterhooks since accession.</p>.<p>The Russian roulette of change of guard via intrigues and manipulations institutionalised a culture of political distrust of Delhi in J&K, whereas collateral diminishment of the Jammu region bore its own polarising outcome of ‘Jammu versus Valley’.</p>.<p>Things took a turn for the worse in the 1980s as the irresistible instinct to ‘manage’ affairs of J&K led to widespread accusations of rigged elections. The timing of this coincided with the mujahideen culture thriving in Pakistan, which was initially focused on Afghanistan but got directed towards Kashmir.</p>.<p>Soon, societal unrest got weaponised and the successful blackmail via the Rubaiya Sayeed incident gave a fillip to the possibilities with the gun. Kashmiri Pandit exodus followed and a full-blown armed secessionism ensued. A coincidental flare-up of global pan-Islamism further metastasised the historically syncretic Islam in Kashmir into alien strains of puritanism.</p>.<p>A potent combination of continued bloodshed, disruption of democratic processes (President/Governor’s Rule was invoked nine times) and generous stoking of tensions by Pakistan through its proxies drove levels of local disaffection that were unprecedented, even for J&K.</p>.<p>Even the tenor of Delhi changed from the times of a Vajpayee insisting, and positively impacting, local sentiment with ‘Insaniyat, Jamhooriyat, Kashmiriyat’ (Humanity, Democracy to Kashmiri Ways) to a decidedly more strident period post 2014. Temporary outreach with an unlikely BJP-PDP experiment soon regressed and the reduction of J&K to a Union Territory and the abrogation of Article 370 led to starkly contrasting perceptions.</p>.<p>Kashmir Valley saw it as a further affront, while the rest of the country celebrated the same in line with the politically and societally polarised times. Many went on to prematurely project the dangerous silences from the Valley as a sign of normalcy. Only it wasn’t.</p>.<p>With no recourse to express unhappiness, given the almost six-year-long suspension of democratic rights, Kashmir Valley was literally on ‘shut-down’ mode, emotionally.</p>.<p>The lull was occasionally disrupted with deadly terror attacks, a grim reminder that the neighbours were still active and perhaps some locals still made cause with them.</p>.<p>The nation in parallel had been in the throes of ‘othering’ and, therefore, portents of ‘muscularity’ in handling the J&K affairs were readily lapped up, whereas any suggestion towards inclusivity, cooption and outreach were instinctively frowned upon as enfeebling ways of the past.</p>.<p>Regrettably, lessons from successful ending of insurgencies in other states like Mizoram and Punjab (with religious minorities) – where a genuine outreach, redressal of legitimate socio-economic grievances and reintroduction of political processes had been successfully deployed - were forgotten. That ending insurgencies entails psychological inclusion as much as security imperatives were ignored for too long.</p>.<p>A timely reminder from the Supreme Court nudged the government to conduct the much-delayed elections, albeit, under the ambit of a UT with an extra-empowered Lt Governor.</p>.<p>Beyond the publicly postured stands of ‘normalcy’ and ‘development’ as claimed by the ruling dispensation, it knew better than putting any candidates in the three seats of the 18th Lok Sabha elections, even as it made a pitch for Abki Baar 400 paar (This time, <br>over 400).</p>.<p>That unstated realisation was to come true later when it did put candidates in the Kashmir Valley during the subsequent J&K Assembly elections but didn’t win a single seat out of 47 in the fray, while picking up 29 out of 43 in Jammu division. The electorate reconfirmed the reality of complete polarisation and disillusionment.</p>.<p>Nonetheless, now there is an elected J&K government that reflects the will of the locals and that itself is a step in the right direction. Thankfully, both ‘sides’, Chief Minister Omar Abdullah and LG Manoj Sinha, displayed maturity in heeding to good sense.</p>.<p>The LG showed sagacity in promptly approving the resolution to restore full statehood and the new CM (from the only Muslim majority UT/State) did well to appoint a deputy chief minister from the ‘minority’ Hindu denomination from the Jammu region.</p>.<p>The bitterness, pettiness and histrionics, a la Delhi LG-CM spats were avoided, at least for now. Such thawing, restorative and inclusive optics augur well beyond the divisive partisanship that consumes passions in the rest of the country.</p>.<p>Tragically, within days of assuming office, terrorism reared its ugly head in the form of a deadly attack that killed six migrant workers and a doctor, in a moment that reiterated the inevitable challenges that loom.</p>.<p>Many jumped prematurely to point fingers of complicity at the CM, even though he slammed it strongly and fully supported the security reactions. While certain politics is inevitable, to ascribe motives of ‘anti-national’ on the new dispensation can be seriously counterproductive.</p>.<p>Such lazy attributions could jeopardise the delicately placed opportunity to truly win over local emotions and trust, which can conclusively end insurgencies like it did in Mizoram and Punjab.</p>.<p>Locals must be truly encouraged to repose faith in the ‘idea of India’, which is the only way to delegitimise extremist means. The onset of winter will temporarily close mountain passes and make cross-border movements difficult. It wouldn’t be easy and terror will not go away suddenly. Therefore, the government must always be held to account for its policies, actions and preparedness (as everywhere else).</p>.<p>But J&K needs a desperate reset, and the success (beyond partisan concerns) of the new J&K Assembly may just be that key.</p>.<p><em>(The writer is a former Lt Governor of Andaman & Nicobar Islands and <br>Puducherry)</em></p>
