The sites of violence: Women and communities

Amid the conflict in Manipur, violence against women has reached a critical point. Delayed action and apathy from the administration and police point to a deeper issue.

The conflict in Manipur has taken on the frame of a civil war. A civil war often breaks out when the government fails to tackle the violence between two ethnic communities: In Manipur’s case between the Meitei and Kuki communities. The ghastly video showing two Kuki women being paraded naked and one of them being gang-raped shows how violence against women is one of the most common and most extreme responses during conflicts. Four other Kuki women were gangraped and killed. That this has been allowed to happen in Manipur is testimony to the brutalisation of the Meitei society.

Will the trauma ever be forgotten? What is the future of the two girls and hundreds of others?

Read | Comfortably numb? Of violence, State and society

The heinous crime calls into question leaders and institutions at several levels. The lack of action from elected representatives, police and national leaders since the incident was first reported in May, indicates a deeper issue.

We see a broken system of governance, a compromised police force and a judiciary acting on a matter it does not have power over – such as directing the state government to expedite the process of granting scheduled tribe status to the Meiteis. The Supreme Court gave a dressing down to the Manipur High Court for overstepping its brief in March this year. This is also one of the reasons for the outbreak of conflict on May 3, since the Kuki-Zo tribals were resistant to the idea of the more dominant Meitei having equal access to reservation in education, health and employment resources.

Coming to the soul-shattering incident of May 4 which surfaced only on July 19 — the first question is why the delay? The answer primarily points to the internet shutdown. Often, the shutdowns are used as a repressive tool by governments to cover up their failures and restrict media reports from the ground in the conflict zones. The internet was shut down for months in Kashmir after Article 370 was revoked. It provoked senior journalist Anuradha Bhasin of The Kashmir Times to approach the Supreme Court on this matter.

State governments often use the argument that an internet shutdown is the first resort to clamp down on violence. This should be challenged in a court of law considering the extent to which the humanitarian crises that the Kuki-Zo people have suffered was kept hidden. Only snippets of news filtered out from the Imphal Valley and much of it is one-sided.

Ironically, the chief minister had access to the internet, and so did his close associates and security forces. A group of women journalists under the umbrella of South Asian Women in Media (SAWM) had written to Chief Minister Biren Singh’s office asking for a media briefing every evening. The letter was received by the CM’s office but the briefings never happened. A woman journalist from India Today was literally gheraoed in her hotel for reporting the horrors she witnessed. She had to be escorted to safety by security forces.

The incident which happened on May 4 was already brought to the attention of authorities, as an FIR was filed on May 18. Yet, culprits were arrested only after the video surfaced.

While the judiciary has taken suo-motu cognisance of the video, the apex court needs to monitor the situation closely for a while.

In state after state, we find the police being used as a force that owes its loyalty to the ruling government and not to the Constitution. This has happened in Manipur and it can happen in any other state in the northeast region. The breakdown of the rule of law is frightening because rioting is what happens thereafter.

Amidst the chaos, why has President’s Rule not been imposed? In the past, Manipur has been under President’s Rule 10 times, the highest for any state.

Today is the 83rd day of the conflict. Just seven days short of three months, the violence does not look as if it will go away any time soon. The people in the hills are facing a humanitarian crisis since the Meiteis in the valley are obstructing vehicles carrying food and medicines to the hills. This, even as the hill organisations had lifted the transport ban on the highways.

The violence in this conflict is unprecedented. But what is spine chilling is the retribution suffered by innocent women whose bodies have become the location for violence — an instrument of war.

Another institution that has failed to take action is the National Commission for Women (NCW). The chairperson had received complaints about the incident in early May, when the violence started. She wrote to the state government asking them to take action on the sexual molestation. The chairperson, Rekha Sharma, claims she received no response. However, the NCW failed to conduct on-site fact finding. Even the NCW member from Meghalaya who heads the North East cell failed to respond.

How can a Commission with quasi-judicial powers and the power to consult with others who can shed light on the matter remain content with writing letters?

That an institution meant to safeguard the cause of women has failed to take action and even investigate is very worrisome. Women across the country should make common cause on this issue. The safety and security of half the population of this country is at stake.

In the present conflict, not just Manipur, but the entire region comprising seven states has received short shrift from the union government, including the Prime Minister.

The present conflict has claimed over 145 lives, leaving about 70,000 Kukis displaced. Their belongings were looted before their homes went up in flames. The civil society organisations and human rights NGOs that Manipur is known for have failed to bring any kind of rapprochement in the present crisis. This reminds us that there is an urgent need to build institutions for building sustainable peace in the region.

For now, the trust deficit in the Biren Singh Government seems to be beyond repair. In such a scenario, how can the administration, under his leadership be expected to bring peace between the warring communities? Statements made by the chief minister, containing terms such as “illegal migrants,” “poppy growers” and “drug peddlers” have been weaponised by radical groups like the Meitei Leepun and Arambai Tenggol. The derogatory remarks are too fresh in the memories of the Kuki-Zo community to be erased by words at this point.

(Patricia is editor, The Shillong Times)