Manipur: Persistent violence marks year of division

Amid the ongoing unrest, as Manipur confronts its deep divisions, the silent government officials and constrained military forces show no end to the ethnic strife even a year after the conflict began.

Imphal/Churachandpur/Moreh: As one enters the Churachandpur district, a poignant scene captures the grim reality of Manipur's strife. Eighty coffins, aligned in a row, lie in the open against the backdrop of the commissioner’s office — a silent protest against the ethnic violence that tore through the state on May 3 last year. This 'wall of remembrance', as it is known, bears the photographs of over 159 tribal lives lost to the conflict.

Ajmir, a government bank employee from the Pangal community, navigates this divided landscape frequently for his job. As a Muslim in a predominantly Hindu and Christian conflict, Ajmir represents a neutral voice. He is both, an observer and an unwitting participant in the conflict. Pangals have been helping both communities since the conflict began, and have been largely accepted by both Kukis and Meiteis. "These coffins tell a story that the government needs to hear," he says.

Ajmir’s experiences as a Muslim in Manipur have been unique. He grew up in Imphal and has seen bloodshed in the past when the majority Meitei community clashed with the Pangals in the 90s. “I closely escaped the riots in the 90s. But some of my friends in the school were not so lucky. They were killed,” says Ajmir.

A flex banner at a relief camp promising minimum assured facilities. Camp residents across the state, however, say only a few of the said facilities are provided to them now as the ethnic strife completes a full year on May 3.

Ajmir's preparations to travel to Churachandpur begin well before the date he is supposed to be in the city as he needs to get his Indigenous Tribal Leaders Forum (ITLF) entry pass ready. He crosses stringent security of over ten checkpoints, guarded by the Indian Army and the paramilitaries. He must present his government ID at all checkpoints and make entries at each post before getting past the ‘buffer zone’ created to prevent clashes between Kukis and Meiteis. When tensions flare up, these checkpoints increase up to eighteen, says Ajmir.

It’s merely a 5-minute drive from the Kuki-dominated Churachandpur district to the first Meitei relief camp, housed within a government building. The camp is precariously close to the Kuki-dominated Hills, exposing it to potential clashes.

Abung Irom, a Meitei, who oversees the camp, formerly ran a water tanker business in Churachandpur until the conflict altered his life and livelihood. "The trust between the Kukis and Meiteis has deteriorated to such an extent that now when members of either community are killed, their bodies are mutilated," Irom said.

He further added that these brutal acts, which are blacked out from mainstream media, are recorded, and shared across private WhatsApp and Telegram groups that nearly every local is privy to. One such archive on a WhatsApp group, that DH got access to, had dozens of videos of beheadings and sexual assault videos.

An effigy hung from a signboard in Churachandpur. The name 'Lamka', as the Kuki community locally refers to Churachandpur, can be seen spray-painted on the board.

Despite the prevailing tensions, Irom maintains contact with his Kuki friends from Churachandpur. However, visiting them is impossible because of the buffer zone and the risk of life.

Contrary to these anecdotes, a senior government official in Churachandpur told DH, “People are now living a normal life in Churachandpur. There is a buffer zone on one side of the town, and the other side of the town is the Mizoram border through which the town gets its supplies. There are no conflicts within the town. Everything is normal.”

When DH inquired about the deep-seated mistrust and fear among the two communities, the official said, “Look at the history of Manipur. It was always a troubled state. There have been so many conflicts. It is the nature of tribals to go to any extent to claim their identity.”

On February 15 this year, the same government official’s office was burnt down by a protesting mob of 300-400 people from Churachandpur. The protest erupted following the suspension of a Kuki police head constable after he was allegedly seen with "armed miscreants". The firing and tear gas shelling by the SF and RAF troops guarding the offices resulted in the death of two civilians on the government office premises. The remnants of the protest can be seen on the office premises, with at least a dozen burnt vehicles parked within its compound.

The senior government official who said all was 'normal' now in Churachandpur, also added, “The army and the paramilitaries do not take action when they see people who are armed with assault rifles. A Brigadier-rank officer has at least 30 years of experience. It’s a very senior rank and they can give orders. But they haven’t been doing anything.”

However, refuting these claims, a senior army officer told DH, “If an administrator said this, I have my doubts about his capabilities. The army acts as per the law... In disturbed areas, and so declared, the army is deployed to neutralise the militants. The armed persons, when confronted, are taken into custody and arms seized. Merely saying people here have weapons serves no purpose. The administrator(s) should provide concrete information regarding the presence of such persons at a place for the army to take action.”

“Once the army is called out for internal security duties, it acts on its own. But the order of action should come from the government first,” he said.

Visible disparities

There is a disparity between the way ‘armed miscreants’ have been dealt with in Manipur. While a Kuki head constable was suspended after he was allegedly seen with "armed miscreants", the Manipur police can be seen openly in the Valley regions with the Arambai Tenggol. Reports suggest that the Arambai Tenggol, the Meitei armed militia group, allegedly enjoys the patronage of Chief Minister Biren Singh, and the titular king and Rajya Sabha member Leishemba Sanajaoba. The members of the group can be easily spotted across the state, armed with assault rifles and grenades.

At a checkpoint in the Thoubal region, the Arambai Tenggol were let go by the BSF and the state police, while media and civilian vehicles were frisked thoroughly. Just a few metres from the checkpoint, the Arambai Tenggol collected ransom from shops on the Imphal-Thoubal highway while two media houses, including DH, were present there. Senior IPS officers and the BSF remained mere spectators.

“It is a common thing now. Our shop is running because we pay the ransom,” said a shopkeeper.

Communities’ frustration

In the border town of Moreh, now resembling a ghost town inhabited only by BSF, army personnel, police, and a few residents in Kuki relief camps, Caleb Baite, a former carpenter-turned-daily wager, voices his despair. "I had to give up my job. Now I take up odd jobs. I clean toilets, pick up garbage, clean debris from burnt-down houses… Anything that pays me. We have not received any monetary support from the government since December. We were being given Rs 850 per week earlier, but it’s been four months since we have received any support.

“The government provides some rice every month, but that’s all the help we have received," he says.

When inquired about whether the Kukis have been using the houses vacated by Meiteis, Baite said, "We prefer living in a relief camp than Meitei houses."

Slogans by the Kuki-Zo community can be seen along the route to Moreh town.

In a Meitei relief camp in Khongjom, the frustration is palpable. SP Singh, the camp's caretaker, expresses his frustration with the administration. "People are so distraught that they are having suicidal thoughts," he says, gesturing towards a flex banner listing essentials which were supposed to be provided at the camp. "These goods and rations are just for show. We have been managing on our own. There’s another camp with pre-fabricated houses built too close to the Kuki-dominated Hills. We can’t stay there as there can be a clash anytime."

When DH accessed the relief camp, it was occupied solely by Arambai Tenggol, who, according to locals in the nearby Meitei villages, were stationed there to launch attacks on the Kukis in the Hills.

The situation in relief camps around the state capital, Imphal, is also grim. The camps are populated by women and children during the day, as the men leave to seek daily wage work.

A senior government official from the Kuki community disclosed troubling details. "Over 10,000 people have undergone weapons training in the past year due to the unrest. The Meiteis, with access to looted police armouries, have been training extensively and have an advantage. I won’t deny that Kukis, too, receive arms support from across the Myanmar border, which is itself in turmoil. We fear massive bloodshed after the General Elections. What have the forces done anyway?" he questions.

A senior CRPF officer shared a different perspective with DH, noting the readiness and capabilities of the forces. "It would take a maximum of one week for the Indian Army and the CRPF to control such a situation. We have intelligence reports indicating where groups are hiding and when attacks might occur. We just await the orders," he stated.

Chief Secretary Vineet Joshi's office turned down the queries DH put up regarding the steps taken by the government to improve the situation in Manipur, and Imphal commissioner Devesh Deval refused to meet the media.