<p>After its defeat in the Assembly polls, the Congress party in Kerala is undergoing a 'generational change' in its leadership. Rarely in recent history has the national leadership of the Congress acted this swiftly and assertively by ignoring the powers that be in the Congress state unit.</p>.<p>Appointing K Sudhakaran, the combative leader from north Kerala, as the party's state unit chief, is the latest of the two major changes the All India Congress Committee (AICC) made in Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) leadership. The other being the appointment of VD Satheeshan as the parliamentary party leader.</p>.<p>The change hardly qualifies as 'generational' given the respective ages of the two newly appointed leaders – Sudhakaran is 73-years-old, and Satheeshan is 57 – but we cannot miss the political significance of these appointments.</p>.<p>The central leadership has ignored the traditional power centres in the PCC. These are - the 'A' group, or the Antony faction now being led by former chief minister Oommen Chandy, and the 'I' faction, more a loose confederation of disparate leaders than a tight-knit group managed by former PCC president Remesh Chennithala.<br /><br /><strong>Read more: <a href="https://www.deccanherald.com/national/south/k-sudhakaran-made-kerala-congress-president-995210.html" target="_blank">K Sudhakaran made Kerala Congress president</a></strong></p>.<p>The rank and file which thinks that factional politics has wreaked havoc with the party's electoral performance is euphoric. It believes this bold move will rejuvenate the Congress in the Left bastion.</p>.<p>But will these surgical strikes give stimulus to a party hamstrung by ideological and organisational incoherence?</p>.<p>Popular perception aside, the Congress in Kerala faces a bigger challenge from the BJP in the long term than the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Despite its rhetoric as a centrist force, Congress politics in Kerala has trodden a path with right-wing underpinnings.</p>.<p>From the days of vimochanasamaram, or the liberation struggle, which saw the first communist government led by EMS Namboodiripad dismissed by the Union government in 1959, Congress has associated itself with all caste, religious, and other conservative organisations.</p>.<p>Its raison d'etre had always been anti-Leftism. But the BJP is in the ascendant, and the Left has embraced a pragmatic approach towards religious and caste organisations, leading to a steady shrinking of the Congress party's appeal among these power groups. But the Congress blinded by its anti-Left ideological prejudice believes that it can regain its foothold by pandering to conservative groups in the state.</p>.<p>The Congress party displayed this when it unleashed a virulent campaign against the Supreme Court verdict allowing women of menstruating ages to visit Sabarimala Temple. It played second fiddle to the Hindu communal organisations during that protest.</p>.<p>Now the Congress party can neither muster the full confidence of the caste and religious organisations nor occupy the centrist position thanks to the changes in the Kerala polity.</p>.<p>When Kerala politics was polarised between two fronts led respectively by the Congress and the CPI(M), taking a rightist, anti-left position made electoral sense. But with the BJP gaining foothold, dancing to the tune of conservative and right-wing elements and continuing its anti-Left diatribe alone won't get votes.</p>.<p>Some Congress leaders, like Satheeshan, seem to be aware of this challenge. His muted stand on the Sabarimala issue, and his indifferent attitude towards organisations like the Nair Service Society (NSS), bears testimony to this. These leaders are nudging the Congress party to occupy the centrist position in Kerala politics. It is here the appointment of Sudhakaran as the PCC chief is problematic.</p>.<p>Sudhakaran is known for his socially conservative views. He anchors his politics precisely on anti-leftism and is inconsistent with the Nehruvian line adopted by some of the youth leaders in the party. However, Sudhakaran is perhaps the most popular leader among Congress workers and his ability to enthuse cadres is indisputable.</p>.<p>But beyond diehard party workers, his image is that of a firebrand conservative leader. Sudhakaran has grabbed news headlines several times for the wrong reasons.</p>.<p>During the Assembly election campaign, his disparaging statements against Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan evoked a sharp response from civil society and his party colleagues. But he browbeat party leaders who publicly denounced him for his casteist remarks against the chief minister, forcing them to toe to his line.</p>.<p>Sudhakaran allegedly has close links with the BJP leaders and has openly said that Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh leaders had approached him, and if he wishes, he could join the BJP.</p>.<p>He has used this as a bargaining tool to offset the pressure mounted by senior leaders against his elevation as the KPCC chief. The challenge for Sudhakaran would be to be able to work cohesively with Satheeshan, who is known for his liberal approach.</p>.<p>All earlier attempts by the AICC leadership to rid the party of factionalism had failed. Against the wishes of the two major groups, VM Sudheeran was appointed as the PCC chief in 2014 but relinquished the office for want of cooperation from senior leaders.</p>.<p>The outgoing PCC chief Mullappally Ramachandran has revealed that he could not function properly due to impediments placed by faction leaders. Now it is Sudhakaran's turn. Will he able to tame group leaders?</p>.<p>The blitzkrieg style of Sudhakaran has no resemblance to that of his predecessors. But aggressive style bereft of innovative politics is not going to change the political fortune of the grand old party in Kerala. That is for sure.</p>.<p><em>(NK Bhoopesh is a Kochi-based independent journalist)</em></p>
<p>After its defeat in the Assembly polls, the Congress party in Kerala is undergoing a 'generational change' in its leadership. Rarely in recent history has the national leadership of the Congress acted this swiftly and assertively by ignoring the powers that be in the Congress state unit.</p>.<p>Appointing K Sudhakaran, the combative leader from north Kerala, as the party's state unit chief, is the latest of the two major changes the All India Congress Committee (AICC) made in Kerala Pradesh Congress Committee (KPCC) leadership. The other being the appointment of VD Satheeshan as the parliamentary party leader.</p>.<p>The change hardly qualifies as 'generational' given the respective ages of the two newly appointed leaders – Sudhakaran is 73-years-old, and Satheeshan is 57 – but we cannot miss the political significance of these appointments.</p>.<p>The central leadership has ignored the traditional power centres in the PCC. These are - the 'A' group, or the Antony faction now being led by former chief minister Oommen Chandy, and the 'I' faction, more a loose confederation of disparate leaders than a tight-knit group managed by former PCC president Remesh Chennithala.<br /><br /><strong>Read more: <a href="https://www.deccanherald.com/national/south/k-sudhakaran-made-kerala-congress-president-995210.html" target="_blank">K Sudhakaran made Kerala Congress president</a></strong></p>.<p>The rank and file which thinks that factional politics has wreaked havoc with the party's electoral performance is euphoric. It believes this bold move will rejuvenate the Congress in the Left bastion.</p>.<p>But will these surgical strikes give stimulus to a party hamstrung by ideological and organisational incoherence?</p>.<p>Popular perception aside, the Congress in Kerala faces a bigger challenge from the BJP in the long term than the Communist Party of India (Marxist). Despite its rhetoric as a centrist force, Congress politics in Kerala has trodden a path with right-wing underpinnings.</p>.<p>From the days of vimochanasamaram, or the liberation struggle, which saw the first communist government led by EMS Namboodiripad dismissed by the Union government in 1959, Congress has associated itself with all caste, religious, and other conservative organisations.</p>.<p>Its raison d'etre had always been anti-Leftism. But the BJP is in the ascendant, and the Left has embraced a pragmatic approach towards religious and caste organisations, leading to a steady shrinking of the Congress party's appeal among these power groups. But the Congress blinded by its anti-Left ideological prejudice believes that it can regain its foothold by pandering to conservative groups in the state.</p>.<p>The Congress party displayed this when it unleashed a virulent campaign against the Supreme Court verdict allowing women of menstruating ages to visit Sabarimala Temple. It played second fiddle to the Hindu communal organisations during that protest.</p>.<p>Now the Congress party can neither muster the full confidence of the caste and religious organisations nor occupy the centrist position thanks to the changes in the Kerala polity.</p>.<p>When Kerala politics was polarised between two fronts led respectively by the Congress and the CPI(M), taking a rightist, anti-left position made electoral sense. But with the BJP gaining foothold, dancing to the tune of conservative and right-wing elements and continuing its anti-Left diatribe alone won't get votes.</p>.<p>Some Congress leaders, like Satheeshan, seem to be aware of this challenge. His muted stand on the Sabarimala issue, and his indifferent attitude towards organisations like the Nair Service Society (NSS), bears testimony to this. These leaders are nudging the Congress party to occupy the centrist position in Kerala politics. It is here the appointment of Sudhakaran as the PCC chief is problematic.</p>.<p>Sudhakaran is known for his socially conservative views. He anchors his politics precisely on anti-leftism and is inconsistent with the Nehruvian line adopted by some of the youth leaders in the party. However, Sudhakaran is perhaps the most popular leader among Congress workers and his ability to enthuse cadres is indisputable.</p>.<p>But beyond diehard party workers, his image is that of a firebrand conservative leader. Sudhakaran has grabbed news headlines several times for the wrong reasons.</p>.<p>During the Assembly election campaign, his disparaging statements against Chief Minister Pinarayi Vijayan evoked a sharp response from civil society and his party colleagues. But he browbeat party leaders who publicly denounced him for his casteist remarks against the chief minister, forcing them to toe to his line.</p>.<p>Sudhakaran allegedly has close links with the BJP leaders and has openly said that Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh leaders had approached him, and if he wishes, he could join the BJP.</p>.<p>He has used this as a bargaining tool to offset the pressure mounted by senior leaders against his elevation as the KPCC chief. The challenge for Sudhakaran would be to be able to work cohesively with Satheeshan, who is known for his liberal approach.</p>.<p>All earlier attempts by the AICC leadership to rid the party of factionalism had failed. Against the wishes of the two major groups, VM Sudheeran was appointed as the PCC chief in 2014 but relinquished the office for want of cooperation from senior leaders.</p>.<p>The outgoing PCC chief Mullappally Ramachandran has revealed that he could not function properly due to impediments placed by faction leaders. Now it is Sudhakaran's turn. Will he able to tame group leaders?</p>.<p>The blitzkrieg style of Sudhakaran has no resemblance to that of his predecessors. But aggressive style bereft of innovative politics is not going to change the political fortune of the grand old party in Kerala. That is for sure.</p>.<p><em>(NK Bhoopesh is a Kochi-based independent journalist)</em></p>